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Is the Far Left Hijacking the Democratic Party?
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Key Moments
The Democratic Party is being "hijacked" by the far-left DSA, whose platform calls for abolishing core institutions like the presidency and police, leading to concerns of a political suicide pact and potential slide towards fascism.
Key Insights
The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) platform advocates for abolishing the presidency, Supreme Court, Senate, Pentagon, police, prisons, border enforcement, all debt, capitalism, and private property.
James Kirchick argues that a "residual sympathy" or admiration for extreme left-wing elements, coupled with a fear of not appearing 'cool' among intellectual elites, prevents many mainstream Democrats from condemning the DSA.
The 'red-green alliance' signifies a growing, sometimes covert, partnership between Islamists and the far-left, historically rooted in anti-Western sentiment and shared opposition to capitalist democracies.
Mayor Zohran Mamdani is characterized as a particularly "sinister" figure due to his charm and adherence to 'Third Worldism,' an ideology viewing the West as the root of all evil and advocating for political revenge.
Many young people on campuses are confused about the true nature of ideologies like Islamism, with professors (often funded by entities like Qatar) misrepresenting concepts such as the hijab as symbols of empowerment rather than male dominance.
The UN's disproportionate condemnation of Israel is attributed to historical coalitional politics among Arab and African states, often backed by the Soviet Union, creating a continued bloc against the Jewish state.
The DSA's radical platform and mainstream Democratic inaction
The discussion centers on the growing influence of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) within the Democratic Party, with James Kirchick highlighting the DSA's radical platform. This platform includes calls to abolish fundamental institutions such as the presidency, the Supreme Court, the Senate, the Pentagon, police, prisons, and border enforcement, as well as capitalism and private property itself. Kirchick expresses alarm that mainstream Democrats do not treat engagement with the DSA as "plutonium," questioning the lack of strong opposition to a group whose aims are fundamentally anti-democratic. He notes that while some Democrats like Josh Gottheimer, Jared Moskowitz, and John Fetterman have spoken out, there's a prevailing fear among the intellectual and journalistic class of being ostracized by the "cool kids" of the DSA, preventing a robust critique. This dynamic, Kirchick argues, is a historical pattern on the left, reminiscent of the Cold War era's 'fellow travelers' who were sympathetic to communism.
Historical parallels and the 'fellow traveler' phenomenon
Kirchick draws parallels between the current situation and the Cold War, referencing the Progressive Party's presidential candidate Henry Wallace, who was supported by communist fellow travelers. He observes a lingering sympathy and even admiration on the left for those on the extreme, viewing them as more courageous. This "liberals in a hurry" mentality suggests a shared ultimate goal with faster, more disruptive methods. The fear of not appearing "cool" among intellectual circles, particularly regarding the DSA, is identified as a significant factor. Kirchick stresses that liberal Democrats do not fundamentally share common ground with the DSA because the latter group does not believe in democratic processes or the rule of law, which he considers basic tenets that should be universally agreed upon.
Foreign policy and the 'red-green alliance'
Beyond domestic policy, Kirchick points to the DSA's foreign policy as even more revealing. The group endorses and offers solidarity to "despicable communist dictatorships" like North Korea and Cuba. This foreign policy stance, coupled with their domestic platform, leads Kirchick to conclude that they are not democratic socialists but rather outright communists or aligned with communist ideology. He notes that the DSA's leadership, or 'politburo,' is largely composed of openly declared Marxists, making it not "McCarthy red-baiting" to label them as such. The discussion also touches upon the "red-green alliance," a seemingly covert but significant alignment between Islamists and the far-left, which Kirchick states has been "a century in the making."
The confusion surrounding 'socialism' and its exploitation
Sam Harris probes the ambiguity of the term 'socialism,' which many associate with Western European social welfare states. He acknowledges the understandable discontent with wealth inequality and the perceived corruption of capitalism, leading some to consider European-style socialism. However, he emphasizes that looking at the DSA's website reveals an "unapologetic communist manifesto." Harris expresses concern that promoting individuals credibly identified as communists at a national level could lead to a dangerous political trajectory, potentially even paving the way for fascism, as he argues happened in Weimar Germany and other societies. He posits that if Americans are given a choice between communism and fascism, they might choose the latter.
The threat of a populist right and Democratic missteps
Harris extends this concern to the potential for right-wing populism to gain further traction. He questions how the Democrats would have to "misplay their hand" to allow figures like Donald Trump Jr., Matt Gaetz, or others from the "Trumpistan" movement to become president. He argues that by running candidates associated with platforms that explicitly call for the abolition of capitalism and private property, Democrats risk alienating voters and creating an opening for such figures. While not suggesting national nomination of a DSA presidential candidate is imminent, he notes the potential for figures like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to run and points to specific races, such as a potential Senate win for a DSA-affiliated candidate in Michigan, which could significantly impact party control.
The challenge of confronting extremism and the 'muscular liberalism' deficit
Kirchick describes a troubling incident where a Michigan Congressman, when confronted with an attempted jihadist attack, responded by blaming Israel's defensive war, thus indirectly holding Jews responsible for being targeted. He attributes this tolerance of such rhetoric at the national level to a potential fault in liberal open-mindedness. While open-mindedness is a positive trait, he argues it can become a weakness when it lacks boundaries. Unlike the fierce internal debates within the Republican party over Trumpism, Kirchick observes that the left struggles to condemn those to its left, even groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, which he disputes are socially progressive. This perceived need to be open to anyone identifying as left-wing, even reactionary or fascist groups, leads to a deficit in what Kirchick calls "muscular liberalism"—a liberalism willing to defend core values like democracy, women's equality, and freedom of expression without compromise.
Ideological confusion and the role of academia
The conversation delves into whether the embrace of radical ideas among young people stems from genuine confusion or calculated misinformation. Harris uses the example of the hijab, questioning how many understand it as a symbol of male dominance versus women's empowerment, a misrepresentation he claims is prevalent in left-wing discourse. Kirchick attributes much of this confusion among the young to professors, particularly those in Middle Eastern studies departments, whom he views as the "enemy." He suggests these academics, some potentially funded by Qatari sources, intentionally misrepresent ideologies. He elaborates on the historical emergence of the far-left and Islamic right alliance after the Cold War, when the left lost its global proletariat base and seemingly replaced it with a global Muslim community. He notes this phenomenon is more developed in Europe, with parties like France's La France Insoumise being described as "Islamo-communist."
The 'Third Worldism' ideology and figures like Zohran Mamdani
Kirchick identifies 'Third Worldism' as a key ideology for understanding figures like Zohran Mamdani, defining it as the belief that the industrialized West is the source of all global problems and that politics should be about revenge for the oppressed. This ideology, he explains, originated in the 1950s and 60s with the Non-Aligned Movement. Mamdani, though charming and superficially appealing, is seen as sinister because he embodies this ideology. Kirchick believes Mamdani seeks the destruction of Israel and agrees with the DSA platform. He posits that Mamdani's actions in his early months as mayor, such as implementing certain property and tax laws and creating government-subsidized grocery stores that could harm private businesses, are part of a slow, incremental strategy aligned with Third Worldist principles. This ideology also provides a framework for understanding Israel's pariah status at the UN, where it faces more resolutions than all other states combined due to historical bloc voting by non-Western nations.
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Common Questions
The DSA (Democratic Socialists of America) is described as a left-wing faction within the Democratic Party. Their platform reportedly calls for abolishing the presidency, Supreme Court, Senate, Pentagon, police, prisons, border enforcement, capitalism, and private property.
Topics
Mentioned in this video
The main subject of discussion, with concerns raised about its potential 'hijacking' by the far-left faction (DSA).
The Democratic Socialists of America, described as a 'parasite' and a 'left-wing faction' that is 'hijacking' the Democratic Party. Their platform calls for abolishing the presidency, Supreme Court, Senate, Pentagon, police, prisons, border enforcement, capitalism, and private property.
Mentioned as a group that is not socially progressive but is sometimes viewed as 'on the left' by some on the left-wing political spectrum.
Mentioned as a college campus where protests against Israel occur, questioning the understanding of symbols like the hijab.
A previous employer of James Kerchick.
Mentioned in relation to its historical opposition to religious faith and its involvement in Afghanistan, and as a past coalition partner for 'third world' countries.
Council of American Islamic Relations, described as an Islamist front group treated like a Muslim ACLU, which has made inroads into US politics.
The publication where James Kerchick's article about the DSA was published.
Mentioned in the context of a jihadist attack in Michigan and as an example of a group that the left is criticized for not adequately condemning, linking it to the 'red-green alliance'.
Mentioned as a college campus where protests against Israel occur, questioning the understanding of symbols like the hijab.
Mentioned as institutions that fund Middle Eastern studies departments, implying a potential influence on the professors and their teachings.
The UK's main left-wing party, which the speaker notes was drifting towards an 'Islamo-communist' direction during the Corbyn years.
The international body where Israel is disproportionately targeted with resolutions, which the speaker attributes to historical coalitional politics and the 'third worldism' ideology.
Cited as part of a 'corrupt if not kleptocratic alliance' with the billionaire class, contributing to an ugly side of capitalism and democracy.
Cited as areas where professors (area experts) are perceived as deliberately spreading misinformation, particularly regarding Islamism.
Cited as an example of an extremist organization that has made inroads into American politics through groups like CAIR.
The main left-wing party in France, described as 'basically an Islamo-communist party'.
A moderate Democratic Congressman who has spoken out against the DSA.
A vocal Democratic Senator who has spoken out against the DSA.
Mentioned as an example of an intellectual or journalist who might fear being seen as uncool by not criticizing the DSA.
Mentioned as an example of a potential Republican presidential candidate in 2028 if Democrats 'misplay their hand'.
Mentioned for their view that Hamas and Hezbollah are not socially progressive movements, a point the speaker uses to criticize the left's perception of these groups.
Former Vice President of FDR and Secretary of Agriculture, who was the presidential candidate for the Progressive Party controlled by the Communist Party.
Mentioned in relation to the UK's Labor Party drifting in an 'Islamo-communist' direction during his leadership.
Referred to as 'Mayor Manny' and 'Mayor Adams', a charming but evasive figure whose affiliation with DSA and stance on 'globalizing the intifada' are questioned.
Mentioned as a reference point for the type of leader Donald Trump might have become if raised in Venezuela.
Mentioned for criticisms that echo some of the points made about Israel's status at the UN.
Described as the 'most malign person' in the United States, whose words are considered evil and are seen as damaging national discourse.
A moderate Democrat who has spoken out against the DSA.
Described as the 'poster boy for young charismatic energy' in the Democratic Party and a proud DSA member, whose platform is linked to an unapologetic communist manifesto.
Mentioned as a potential Republican presidential candidate in 2028 if Democrats 'misplay their hand'.
A potential Democratic candidate for Senate in Michigan, who the speaker believes has not adequately addressed antisemitism, specifically in relation to an attack on a synagogue.
A Democratic Congressman who has spoken out against the DSA.
Used as a point of comparison for political leadership, with the speaker stating Trump is not a fascist but a 'golfer', and that he would behave differently if raised in a different political climate.
Mentioned as a country against which the UN has passed resolutions, contrasted with the higher number of resolutions against Israel.
Mentioned in the context of the Cold War, where the Soviet Union was involved in a conflict with Islamic rebels.
Cited as a historical example where the choice between communism and fascism led to the latter being chosen.
Mentioned as one of the 'despicable communist dictatorships' endorsed by the DSA's foreign policy.
Mentioned as a hypothetical place of origin for Donald Trump that would have shaped him into a 'Chavez-like bully'.
The focus of much international criticism at the UN, with the speaker explaining this through historical coalitions and 'third worldism', and also as the target of Mayor Adams's implied agenda.
Mentioned as a country that, along with Israel, was demonized during a period when apartheid was in place.
Mentioned as a region where 'socialism' is associated with policies and a social welfare state, contrasting with the DSA's platform.
Mentioned as a country against which the UN has passed resolutions, contrasted with the higher number of resolutions against Israel.
Mentioned as a hypothetical place where Mayor Adams might have grown up to be a 'third-worldist political leader'.
Mentioned as a country against which the UN has passed resolutions, contrasted with the higher number of resolutions against Israel.
Mentioned as a country against which the UN has passed resolutions, contrasted with the higher number of resolutions against Israel.
The dominant ideology within the DSA, according to the speaker, who states the party's leadership is composed of openly declared Marxists.
A French term used to describe the alliance between Islamism and the left, suggesting professors might be either Islamists themselves or old-school leftists aligning with this concept.
An ideology originating in the 1950s-60s for the 'non-aligned movement' of developing countries, characterized by a belief that the West is the root of all evil and politics should be a form of revenge against the West. It is proposed as a key to understanding Mandani's ideology.
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