Key Moments
David Commins on Saudi Arabia, Wahhabism, and the Future of the Gulf States | Convos with Tyler
Conversations with TylerKey Moments
David Commins discusses Saudi Arabia's history, Wahhabism's role, social changes, and regional dynamics.
Key Insights
Wahhabism was crucial for Saudi state-building, though its strict interpretation led to internal and external conflicts.
Saudi Arabia's development originated from less cosmopolitan regions, shaping its unique identity.
The 1979 Grand Mosque seizure was a pivotal, millenarian event that influenced Saudi policy, though the government's narrative about it is debated.
Modern Saudi Arabia is undergoing significant social and cultural liberalization, particularly for women, marking a departure from its puritanical past.
The stability of Gulf states is largely attributed to mutual fear of larger neighbors and historical Western strategic intervention.
Saudi Arabia is exploring economic diversification beyond oil, potentially leveraging energy for data centers, but faces educational and skill challenges.
THE ESSENTIAL ROLE OF WAHHABISM IN STATE FORMATION
David Commins explains that Wahhabism, a religious purification movement emphasizing active negation of heresy, was fundamental to the establishment of the Saudi state in the 18th century. While distinct from other Sunni traditions through its activist impulse and stringent definition of belief, its historical impact was amplified by the alliance with the Saud family in the 1740s. The theologian Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab's teachings stressed that belief in God requires actively negating any deviation from correct belief, leading to a rigorous approach to religious practice that distinguished it from more tolerant schools of thought within Sunni Islam.
MECCA AND THE COMPROMISE OF WAHHABI DOCTRINE
The annexation of Mecca by early 20th-century Saudi leader Abdul Aziz presented a complex challenge for Wahhabism. While central Arabia had been thoroughly purged of dissenting religious practices, Abdul Aziz recognized Mecca's global significance. To avoid alienating international Muslims, he imposed a 'qualified' Wahhabi regime, appointing clerics who were willing to collaborate with other Sunni traditions. This represented a significant compromise, balancing strict Wahhabi doctrine with the pragmatic need for broader acceptance in a religiously diverse holy city.
THE STATUS AND HISTORY OF SHIITE MUSLIMS IN SAUDI ARABIA
The Shiite Muslim population in Saudi Arabia's Eastern Province has a history marked by periods of persecution and discrimination, despite their current status as citizens. Significant population movements occurred in the late 18th and early 20th centuries due to Saudi annexations. While the Saudi government claims the end of discrimination, reliable information about current conditions is scarce due to the silencing of dissent. Commins notes that although colleagues suggest a new climate, he cannot confirm it as fact, highlighting the difficulty in assessing the true situation.
THE RISE OF THE SAUDI STATE FROM NON-COSMOPOLITAN REGIONS
Contrary to intuitions, the Saudi state historically emerged from the less cosmopolitan and poorer regions of central Arabia, known as Nejd. While coastal areas like the Red Sea coast (Hijaz) and the Persian Gulf were more advanced and cosmopolitan, they were often under the rule of larger, external Muslim empires due to the religious significance of Mecca and Medina. Nejd, the homeland of the Saud dynasty and the Wahhabi movement, was more thoroughly 'purged' of older traditions, eventually forming the bedrock for the state's religious and bureaucratic institutions.
THE 1979 GRAND MOSQUE SEIZURE AND ITS AFTERMATH
The 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca by a puritanical group, the Juhayman al-Otaybi faction, was a millenarian movement that considered the Saudi royal family to have betrayed Wahhabi principles. The incident, driven by a belief in the coming of the Muslim Messiah, profoundly impacted Saudi rulers, who, according to Commins, have since constructed a narrative positioning 1979 as a turning point that led them to adopt policies fostering extremism, a claim Commins disputes. This event marked a departure from anything Wahhabism had previously generated.
GULF STATE STABILITY AND EXTERNAL PROTECTIONS
The relative stability of Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states is attributed largely to a shared fear of annexation by larger neighbors like Iran and a history of Western strategic intervention. British guarantees in the 19th and 20th centuries were crucial for the independence of various emirates. Following Britain's withdrawal, the US assumed a strategic commitment, particularly after the Iranian revolution. This external security umbrella, combined with internal cohesion driven by shared identity and institutions, has helped maintain their sovereignty against external threats.
ECONOMIC DIVERSIFICATION AND EDUCATIONAL CHALLENGES
Saudi Arabia faces the significant challenge of diversifying its economy beyond oil. While initiatives like KAUST, a $10 billion research university, aim for global standards, success is hampered by issues in the K-12 education system, which struggles to prepare students for advanced STEM subjects. Many Saudis seeking specialized STEM education attend private schools or the Petroleum Engineering University, then pursue graduate studies abroad. Improving teacher quality and curriculum in public schools is a major hurdle to fostering a skilled workforce for a post-petroleum economy.
THE RISE OF SOCIAL LIBERALIZATION IN MODERN SAUDI ARABIA
Since 2015, Saudi Arabia has witnessed significant social liberalization, including increased freedoms for women, the dismantling of the religious police's strict enforcement, and greater latitude for creative expression in arts and culture. Commins believes this shift represents a deep and sustainable turn away from the country's puritanical religious legacy, supported by a modernist and cosmopolitan current that has existed for a century. While some older generations may resist these changes, he does not foresee a return to the previous stringent social order.
SPORTWASHING AND SAUDI SOFT POWER
Saudi Arabia's substantial investment in sports, including funding teams and acquiring leagues, is viewed by critics as 'sportswashing' – an effort to improve its international image. Commins acknowledges this political agenda but also highlights the immense popularity of sports among Saudis, especially the youth, who form a key constituency for the monarchy. This cultural outreach, alongside efforts to export Wahhabism through funded mosques globally, serves as a form of soft power, competing with other Islamic influences from Iran and Turkey.
COMPETITION IN THE ISLAMIC IDEOLOGICAL LANDSCAPE
Within the Islamic world, Saudi Arabia has rebranded its religious offerings as Salafism, emphasizing adherence to the ways of the 'founding fathers.' While Salafism has gained considerable popularity and a high profile, Commins questions whether it is truly dominant, noting its often intrusive nature regarding personal freedoms can alienate many Muslims. He suggests that movements like Al-Qaeda have discredited Salafism, potentially hindering its long-term appeal for hearts and minds, despite its financial backing and high visibility in the 1990s and early 2000s.
YEMEN'S INSTITUTIONAL WEAKNESS AND EXTERNAL INTERVENTION
Unlike Saudi Arabia's nation-building success, Yemen has struggled with instability due to a weak state and a fractured political landscape. The delicate compromise that held the Yemeni Republic together after unification has been shattered by regional religious tendencies, such as Houthi revivalism, and significant outside intervention. This has created a situation akin to Lebanon's prolonged civil war, where external actors exploit internal divisions, preventing Yemen from developing a cohesive national identity or social welfare system to foster stability.
SAUDI-YEMENI RELATIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY EXPERIMENTATION
Saudi Arabia's historical involvement in Yemen, including interventions and shifts in policy, from supporting weak regimes to more activist foreign policy under King Salman, has had mixed results. The 2015 intervention, comparable to Egypt's disastrous involvement in the 1960s, is seen by some as a strategic misstep that backfired. While the current leadership appears to be adopting a more cautious approach, influenced by historical lessons and a desire to manage strategic threats rather than eliminate them, foreign policy remains an ongoing experiment with significant elements of luck.
THE FUTURE OF SMALLER GULF STATES LIKE QATAR AND BAHRAIN
The long-term survival of smaller Gulf states like Qatar is uncertain, especially as Western strategic interests in the region potentially wane due to energy independence. While currently protected by US presence, their independence could be threatened by larger neighbors like Iran or Saudi Arabia, potentially emerging as pawns in regional power struggles. Bahrain's reliance on the US naval base highlights its vulnerability without external protection, suggesting a significant shift in regional dynamics is possible.
EMIRATES' INTERNAL COHESION AND EXTERNAL AMBITIONS
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is considered stable, with internal cohesion primarily driven by a collective fear of annexation by neighbors such as Saudi Arabia or Oman. While territorial disputes have occurred, the fragmentation of the UAE is unlikely, as individual emirates would likely be absorbed by larger states if they separated. Commins does not foresee immediate threats to the UAE's stability, though acknowledges the possibility of unforeseen blind spots in his assessment of regional dynamics.
THE CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC POTENTIAL OF SAUDI ARABIA
Commins expresses optimism about Saudi Arabia's economic future, suggesting that its abundant energy resources could be repurposed for large-scale data centers, potentially becoming a new key resource. He notes that the opening up of social freedoms has significantly improved the lives of many Saudis, particularly women, fostering a vibrant cultural scene. While the transition to a post-petroleum economy remains an open question due to technological and political uncertainties, the country's embrace of new opportunities and its rich history of modernist currents suggest a dynamic future.
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Common Questions
Wahhabism is a puritanical religious movement emphasizing a specific theology of true belief. It's argued to have been essential for state-building in Saudi Arabia in the 1700s, providing the religious conviction to unite the region.
Topics
Mentioned in this video
A region from which pilgrims journeyed to Mecca and Medina, with some settling permanently.
Used in an analogy to describe the artificiality of drawing borders through areas with existing cross-border interactions.
Mentioned in an analogy about border construction.
Where David Commins will be teaching next semester.
A neighboring country that could potentially absorb a breakaway region from the UAE.
The ruling entity within the UAE, whose rule might be resented by smaller constituent areas.
Mentioned as a place where Saudi-funded mosques can be observed.
A source of competing Muslim religious tendencies against Wahhabism.
Used as a comparison for Yemen's prolonged instability due to external intervention and internal weakness.
Mentioned in an analogy about border construction.
A destination for David Commins' upcoming research on Arab travelers to the US.
The site of a 1934 border war, now a focus for Saudi efforts to build a wall against smuggling but carrying historical implications.
A city on the Red Sea coast of Arabia, part of the Hijaz region, historically more advanced and cosmopolitan than Nejd.
A holy city in Arabia, part of the Hijaz region, historically under the rule of Muslim empires due to its religious value.
A source of competing Muslim religious tendencies against Wahhabism.
A region from which pilgrims journeyed to Mecca and Medina, with some settling permanently.
A Gulf state with historical claims by Iran and currently hosting the largest American naval base in the Persian Gulf.
Used as a comparison for Riyadh's automobile-centric nature, which the speaker finds less appealing than walkable cities like Damascus.
A region in Central Asia from which permanent colonies of settlers came to Mecca and Medina.
Used in an analogy to describe the artificiality of drawing borders through areas with existing cross-border interactions.
Mentioned in an analogy about border construction.
A destination for David Commins' upcoming research on Arab travelers to the US.
The holy city in Islam, annexed by Abdul Aziz and managed with a qualified Wahhabi regime to avoid alienating global Muslims.
Mentioned in an analogy about border construction.
A destination for David Commins' upcoming research on Arab travelers to the US.
Formed in 1990 from the Union of North and South Yemen, it was stable due to a political compromise that has since been undermined.
Muslims who have historically endured periods of persecution and discrimination in Saudi Arabia, though the government claims there is no longer discrimination.
A puritanical group that broke from mainstream Saudi society, forming in the mid-1960s and later seizing the Grand Mosque in Mecca in 1979.
Mentioned in the context of Saudi Arabia's takeover, seen as part of sportswashing efforts.
The institution where David Commins will be teaching in Prague.
An excellent university in Saudi Arabia, compared to Texas A&M, from which students often proceed to American graduate schools.
An external actor that intervenes in weak states like Yemen.
Considered essential for Qatar's survival as an independent nation, but its endurance is questioned due to US energy independence.
A puritanical Islamic revivalist movement that emphasizes the oneness of God and negates any deviation from correct belief, known for its activist impulse. It was essential for state-building in Saudi Arabia in the 1700s.
The term used by critics for attempts by countries like Qatar and Saudi Arabia to improve their international image by hosting prestigious sporting events.
David Commins' next writing project focuses on Arab travelers in the US between 1876 and 1940.
Used as a comparison for the millenarian nature of the 1979 Mecca mosque takeover movement.
A long-standing presence in the Persian Gulf, dating back to 1820, which influences the stability of states like Bahrain.
The rebranded identity of Saudi proponents of Wahhabism, referring to following the ways of the founding fathers. It gained popularity but is seen as intrusive by many Muslims.
Identified as a major hurdle for transforming the Saudi economy, with public education not adequately preparing students for higher STEM education.
Mentioned as a reason the Nixon administration was hesitant about new strategic commitments for the US in the Gulf.
Contributed to the United States becoming strategically committed to the Gulf.
Led to the United States becoming strategically committed to the Gulf.
The founder of Islam, whose teachings include proselytizing.
The Saudi monarch who has reportedly curtailed financial support for proselytizing by religious institutions.
Mentioned as an example of a family with roots in Yemen now residing in Saudi Arabia.
Mentioned as an example of someone with Armenian and Lebanese descent in Saudi Arabia.
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