Key Moments
Julia Ioffe on Russian Women, Missing Men, and the Roots of Autocracy
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Key Moments
Russian women are hyper-competent, juggling work, domestic duties, and childcare due to historical depopulation and autocracy, while men are coddled and prone to early death from neglect.
Key Insights
Russian women, by the end of the Soviet period, spent an average of 40 hours per week on domestic labor after their full-time jobs, with rural women doing about 55 hours.
World War II resulted in a severe gender imbalance, with some areas having 100 women for every 19 men, leading to state policies incentivizing out-of-wedlock births and single motherhood.
Following the revolution, abortion was legalized in the Soviet Union in 1920, but birth control was not legalized until 1923, making abortion the primary form of birth control, with the average Soviet woman having 3-12 abortions by the end of her childbearing years.
The Soviet Union became so prudish that it would make Victorian England look promiscuous, with strict rules on sexual behavior for young Bolsheviks.
In 2017, Russia decriminalized domestic violence, which some believe served as a 'steam valve' for aggressive masculine energy in a stagnant economy and authoritarian system.
Russia's birth rate hit its lowest point in 2024 since Putin came to power, despite state incentives for larger families and pronatalist policies.
The historical roots of female resilience and intellectual ferment
The role and status of women in Russian history present a complex dichotomy, differing significantly from Western counterparts. While Tsarist laws could be stringent, particularly for peasant women, the intelligentsia and aristocracy often engaged with the 'woman question,' exploring emancipation and women's roles. This intellectual ferment predated the Bolsheviks, with women actively involved in revolutionary movements, including a plot to assassinate Tsar Alexander II, necessitating the construction of a separate prison for female radicals. This historical engagement with progressive ideas also manifested in the arts, with numerous prominent constructivist painters being women like Natalya Goncharova and Alexandra Exter. Furthermore, even before the revolution, Russia had more women doctors than Western Europe, and women possessed rights to own and inherit property, indicating a longer tradition of female agency that contrasted with perceptions of Eastern societies being universally more restrictive. This was a reality intertwined with a radical tradition, where women inclined towards socialism or revolutionary activity were drawn to professions like nursing and medicine as avenues to contribute, lobbying for access to medical institutes. While some with means studied abroad in Switzerland, the Tsarist secret police eventually opened a domestic medical institute for them to maintain closer surveillance.
Bolshevik feminism and the early, complex approach to women's rights
Bolshevik feminism drew from various socialist thinkers, but figures like Alexandra Kollontai were crucial in articulating specific ideas for women's emancipation within a socialist framework. Early Marxist thought, while prioritizing class, began to acknowledge women's distinct issues, suggesting the collectivization of domestic labor. Kollontai, however, elaborated on how a revolution would specifically emancipate women, proposing ideas for their equal participation in a socialist society. This era saw radical social policies, including the legalization of abortion in 1920 and birth control in 1923. However, the early approach to sexual freedom, advocated by figures like Kollontai who argued for liberation from marriage and prostitution for women to pursue work and love freely, was soon curtailed. By the 1920s, a more conservative faction within the Bolsheviks, exemplified by Aaron Zulkand, pushed for stricter sexual mores, introducing 'commandments' for young Bolsheviks that emphasized fewer sexual partners and discouraged excessive sexual activity, viewing it as a drain on revolutionary energy. This led to a society that became exceptionally prudish, a stark contrast to the initial revolutionary ideals.
The demographic crisis and the 'making' of Soviet women
The devastating impact of World War II, which claimed approximately 21 million men out of a total of 27 million Soviet deaths, created a profound gender imbalance. This demographic catastrophe, compounded by earlier conflicts like World War I, the revolution, civil war, and purges, left many regions with a ratio of 100 women to every 19 men. The state, under Stalin and later Khrushchev, actively intervened to address this crisis. Policies were enacted to make divorce more difficult, trapping men in marriages while encouraging them to impregnate women outside of wedlock. These non-marital births were incentivized with state payments and military-style medals, a policy that mirrored Nazi Germany's pronatalist efforts. This system inadvertently institutionalized single motherhood and created a generation of children unaware of their fathers. The post-war baby boom thus had a significant proportion of out-of-wedlock births. Consequently, men became increasingly marginalized as fathers, with parenthood becoming almost exclusively associated with motherhood. This societal pressure created a dynamic where women were often seen as actively 'hunting' for partners, a situation that has persisted for generations, embedding a deep-seated anxiety among Russian women about maintaining attractiveness to keep a partner.
The burden of domestic labor and the 'superwoman' phenomenon
Soviet and post-Soviet Russian women have historically shouldered an immense burden of labor, both professional and domestic. Mandated to work outside the home, they were also expected to manage all household chores, cooking, and childcare with seemingly little assistance from men. By the end of the Soviet period, the average woman spent approximately 40 hours per week on domestic labor after her paid employment, with rural women dedicating up to 55 hours. This required extraordinary resilience and efficiency, often described as the 'superwoman' model. For example, a chemical engineer grandmother, despite managing a lab and a team, would drop children at school, forage for food during her lunch break, navigate multiple queues at different stores for basic necessities, prepare dinner, help with homework, do laundry by hand (boiling and ironing), and mend clothing, all while exhausted. This relentless workload, coupled with societal pressure to maintain an appearance of ease and to be constantly attractive, led many women to express a collective exhaustion, feeling they could 'do it all' but no longer wanted to. This phenomenon is starkly illustrated by the observation that Russian women often perform tasks and maintain appearances as if each responsibility were their only job, and as if they were performing it alone.
The coddling of men and the devaluation of male roles
The severe loss of men during the mid-20th century, coupled with state policies and societal expectations, led to a phenomenon where Russian men became 'coddled' and subject to 'the bigotry of low expectations.' With fewer men available and their survival often precarious due to high rates of alcohol abuse, smoking, and risk-taking behavior leading to early death, society placed minimal demands on them. This resulted in men who were often perceived as immature, irresponsible, and largely irrelevant within the domestic sphere. The cultural definition of masculinity became tied to physical strength, recklessness, and early death, rather than to responsibility or self-care. This dynamic is evident in modern Russia, where men are sometimes viewed as glorified sperm donors or providers of financial support, rather than as active partners or involved fathers. The reluctance of many Russian men to engage in household chores or childcare further reinforces the perception of their diminished role, contributing to a societal structure where women are expected to be exceptionally strong and self-reliant.
Gender essentialism and the role of flowers
Post-Soviet Russia saw a significant amplification of gender essentialism, where stereotypes about men and women became exaggerated and cartoonish. Women were increasingly feminized, expected to desire jewelry, flowers, chocolate, and constant beautification, while men were associated with alcohol, cars, and outdoor pursuits. This hyper-feminization is reflected in social rituals, such as the pervasive custom of giving flowers. Flowers are presented for birthdays, holidays like International Women's Day (March 8th), and as gifts when visiting a woman's home. This practice, while seemingly a gesture of affection, is also interpreted as a signal of ongoing loyalty in a society with historically low trust and a need for repeated affirmations. Some analysts suggest it is a way to acknowledge a woman's primary role in nurturing, a concept that extends to giving flowers to the mother on her child's birthday. The tradition is so ingrained that even political figures like Putin use flowers when awarding medals to women, and it can be used in a trolling manner, as exemplified by Russian negotiators presenting flowers to American diplomats, subtly reminding them of their gender before their professional role.
Divergent attitudes toward feminism and the 'Me Too' movement
Attitudes toward feminism and the 'Me Too' movement in Russia are complex and often divergent from Western perspectives. While the Bolsheviks enacted feminist reforms, they were ideologically anti-feminist, viewing gender-based activism as divisive to class solidarity. This historical antipathy has influenced post-Soviet views. Many Russian women perceive Western feminism as misguided, weak, or man-hating, particularly in light of the perceived scarcity and vulnerability of Russian men. They argue that Western feminism prioritizes women's gains while Russian women are already strong and resourceful, and it is the men who need support. This perspective often leads to criticism that Western feminists have the 'wrong priorities' for the Russian context. While an indigenous 'Yanya Bayu Skazhite' (I'm not afraid to say) movement predated 'Me Too' in Ukraine and Russia, the Western 'Me Too' movement faced criticism from some Russian liberals and pro-Kremlin figures alike, who saw it as a lack of due process that unfairly targeted beloved cultural figures. Furthermore, the Russian opposition itself has exhibited sexist tendencies, with leaders like Alexei Navalny dismissing female activists as 'stupid girls' who should be with their children rather than in political opposition.
Gender norms, autocracy, and the reinforcement of traditional roles
The prevailing gender norms in Russia are deeply intertwined with its autocratic political system, reinforcing traditional roles and contributing to a militaristic and nationalistic agenda. The state actively promotes pronatalist policies and restricts reproductive rights, including criminalizing the child-free movement and LGBT families. Messaging from the government emphasizes traditional female roles, such as cooking and homemaking, discouraging higher education for women in favor of early marriage and childbearing. Paradoxically, Russia's birth rate reached a historic low in 2024 despite these efforts. The decriminalization of domestic violence in 2017 is particularly alarming, with some suggesting it serves as a 'steam valve' for masculine aggression, allowing men to assert dominance in ways unavailable through economic or political channels. This aggressive masculinity is explicitly linked to nationalistic propaganda, such as military recruitment ads that urge men to 'be a real man' by fighting in Ukraine. This reinforces a rigid essentialism where men are soldiers and women are mothers, a stark contrast to Ukraine's example of women actively participating in combat, echoing Soviet-era historical norms. This cycle of authoritarianism, entrenched gender essentialism, and demographic pressures creates a self-reinforcing system that prioritizes traditional, patriarchal structures.
Mentioned in This Episode
●Organizations
●Books
●Concepts
●People Referenced
Common Questions
In the Russian Empire, while laws were stringent, the intelligentsia and aristocracy engaged deeply with the 'woman question.' Women participated in radical movements, and there were instances of women owning property and pursuing higher education, albeit with limitations.
Mentioned in this video
Julia Ioffe's book, discussed throughout the episode, examining the history of women in modern Russia from revolution to autocracy.
A novel by Vladimir Nabokov about living in exile and yearning for a past that no longer exists.
A novel by Guzel Yakhina about a Tatar woman during collectivization, recommended by the speaker.
A book by Svetlana Alexievich detailing the experiences of Soviet women fighting in World War II.
Mentioned as a prominent female constructivist painter in Russian/Soviet history.
A key figure in the plot to assassinate Tsar Alexander II, noted as a woman and daughter of a Russian general.
The Tsar targeted in a plot involving Sophia Perovskaya.
Mentioned as an early socialist who laid down ideas about socialism for women.
Mentioned as a socialist who acknowledged women's specific issues in the context of revolution.
A key figure in developing specific and innovative ideas about how the revolution would emancipate women, and a proponent of sexual liberation.
Mentioned as a figure who called for clamping down on sexual freedom among Soviet youth, instituting strict sexual commandments.
A Soviet and Russian sociologist and sexologist who wrote about the extreme prudishness of the Soviet Union.
Mentioned in the context of Minsk negotiations where Russian diplomat Surkov presented flowers to her and Tori Nuland.
Russian opposition leader who made sexist remarks about the punk band Pussy Riot.
A cultural figure whose reputation was affected by the MeToo movement, with some Russian liberals expressing concern over due process.
A cultural figure whose reputation was affected by the MeToo movement, with some Russian liberals expressing concern over due process.
A Russian poet and writer whose work is not directly discussed but is representative of the intellectual milieu Ioffe explores.
Nobel Prize winner whose book 'The Unwomanly Face of War' is recommended for its depiction of women in WWII combat.
Mentioned in the context of Minsk negotiations where Russian diplomat Surkov presented flowers to her and Celeste Wallander.
Author of 'Mary', a novel discussed for its themes of exile and longing for a lost home.
Mentioned as part of the American right's embrace of traditionalism and gender norms.
Author of 'Zuleikha', a novel recommended for its portrayal of collectivization's impact on Tatar women.
Mentioned as an analogy for the vagueness of early socialist ideas regarding women's emancipation ('yada yada').
A character whose appearance is used as a humorous comparison for how Russian women are perceived to look (cartoonishly feminized).
A TV show associated with Kevin Spacey, mentioned in the context of the MeToo movement and concerns about due process.
The HBO miniseries that adapted Svetlana Alexievich's work, noted as being 'pillaged' from her writing.
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