Key Moments
American Commentator and Author Michael Knowles Interview at the Oxford Union
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Key Moments
Free speech isn't absolute and requires social standards; exclusionary norms are necessary to prevent societal breakdown, with the debate being over which standards are best, not speech vs. censorship.
Key Insights
Free speech absolutism is not historically or practically tenable, as all societies have norms and taboos, positioning the debate as one between competing standards rather than speech versus censorship.
Historical figures like John Locke and John Milton, foundational to free speech traditions, included exclusions for specific groups or beliefs (atheists, Catholics), demonstrating that limits are inherent.
The First Amendment in the US allows for exclusions of speech that undermines its purpose, such as fraud, obscenity, and fighting words, because these forms of expression damage the ability to seek truth and social good.
Excluding individuals like Hasan from the UK for inciting violence or expressing extreme views is a government's right to protect the public good, distinct from private institutions censoring for ideological reasons.
Cultural issues, particularly transgender ideology, are significant political drivers for conservatives, serving as a 'heuristic' to question the judgment of the opposing party on broader issues.
Political violence, especially from the left, is not confined to fringe elements but extends to media figures, politicians, and activists, with young leftists being significantly more likely to justify such violence (26-28%).
Donald Trump's personal moral failings, such as divorce, do not disqualify him for conservative voters when the alternative is perceived as far worse, highlighting a pragmatic approach to political endorsement.
Support for Israel is declining across the American political spectrum, even among Republicans, a trend independent of podcast hosts' evolving stances, and this shift complicates potential US-Iran conflicts.
Challenging free speech absolutism
Michael Knowles fundamentally challenges the conservative embrace of free speech absolutism, arguing that it's neither historically accurate nor practically viable. He posits that all societies inherently possess standards, norms, and taboos, making the discourse primarily a conflict between competing sets of these standards, rather than a simple dichotomy of free speech versus censorship. Knowles illustrates this with the shift in what is permissible in schools: the Bible, once teachable, has been largely replaced by pornography. He contends that decisions and exclusions are inevitable, citing the debate around men in women's bathrooms as an example of a necessary societal choice. This perspective suggests that the 'marketplace of ideas' is not an end in itself but a tool that requires curation to serve its purpose of seeking truth and fostering a thriving society.
Historical precedents for speech limitations
Scratch beneath the surface of free speech traditions, and you'll find inherent limitations. John Locke, in his "Letter Concerning Toleration," famously excluded atheists from toleration, deeming them untrustworthy and a threat to social order. Similarly, John Milton, in "Areopagitica," a seminal work on free speech, made exceptions for Catholics of his time. Knowles notes that while we've thankfully evolved beyond some of these specific exclusions, the principle that certain speech or speakers can be limited remains. The U.S. First Amendment itself codifies these limits by excluding speech that is fraudulent, obscene, inciting violence ('fighting words'), or defamatory (slander and libel). These are not arbitrary exclusions; they are intended to protect the very function of speech by preventing acts that undermine truth-seeking and rational discourse, such as direct threats or fraud.
Excluding threats to public good
The distinction between abstract ideas and harmful speech acts is critical. Following the assassination of his friend Charlie Kirk, Knowles argued against a pure 'free marketplace' response, advocating instead for the exclusion of those who celebrate or justify political violence. He asserts that individuals who advocate for murder or express extremist views that incite hatred should not participate in public discourse, especially when their actions or rhetoric actively undermine the pursuit of truth and social harmony. This is further exemplified by the UK Home Office's decision to exclude foreign nationals like Hasan for inciting violence and promoting hateful ideologies, a power Knowles believes governments must wield to protect the public good. He distinguishes this from private companies censoring viewpoints they dislike, suggesting a governmental role in defining and enforcing boundaries for national well-being.
The cultural significance of transgender issues
Knowles argues that issues often categorized as 'culture wars,' particularly those surrounding transgender ideology, are potent political forces that conservatives leverage effectively. He contends that these issues resonate deeply with the public because they tap into 'common sense' and are visceral, rather than purely abstract. The perceived absurdity of transgender ideology—the idea that one's true self is disconnected from their body, that men can become women, or that children should be medically transitioned—serves as a heuristic tool. It calls into question the judgment of the broader political movement advocating for it, thereby undermining trust on other issues like the economy or immigration. For conservatives, engaging with these cultural issues is not just about principle but also a strategic pathway to winning elections by appealing to deeply held, common-sense beliefs.
Political violence and the American left
Knowles asserts that political violence is not solely the domain of fringe actors but reflects an ideological issue present at multiple levels of the American left. He cites personal experience, including an Antifa attack on one of his events, and broader instances like the Black Lives Matter riots and trans-related school shootings, arguing that such acts of left-wing violence are often undercounted or not categorized as political. He presents data suggesting young left-wingers are significantly more likely to justify political violence (26-28%) compared to young right-wingers. While not claiming the entire left is violent, he identifies a substantial portion across media, politics, and activism, including prominent livestreamers, who advocate or justify violence against political opponents. This, he argues, necessitates a re-evaluation of engagement, potentially excluding those who advocate harm rather than endlessly seeking dialogue.
Pragmatism in political endorsement
Knowles applies a pragmatic lens to political endorsements, especially concerning Donald Trump. While personally advocating against divorce and deeming 'no-fault divorce' as evil, he does not see Trump's multiple divorces as a disqualifier. He frames the choice in 2016 between Trump and Hillary Clinton as starkly different, with Clinton posing a far greater threat due to her perceived policy stances and alleged encouragement of abortion. Trump, despite his personal 'foibles,' is lauded for actions like appointing pro-life Supreme Court justices and supporting the economy. Knowles argues that politicians are rarely morally perfect, and voters must weigh actions and policies over personal lives. This pragmatic approach extends to viewing Trump as a more effective leader for conservative goals, even if he doesn't embody every ideal.
Shifting support for Israel
The perceived left-right convergence on opposing Israel's actions in Gaza is viewed by Knowles not as a stable coalition or a sign of ideological bridging, but as a reflection of declining public support for Israel across the American political spectrum. He notes that support for Israel has waned significantly, first among Democrats and now even among Republicans, particularly younger ones. This trend, he suggests, is influenced by media coverage of wars, a general public distrust exacerbated by COVID-19 information handling, and a rise in conspiracy theorizing. Knowles believes this declining support complicates the geopolitical landscape, especially concerning Iran, as divergence grows between US interests (seeking peace and de-escalation under Trump) and Israeli interests (perceiving an existential threat requiring more aggressive action). He concludes that while podcasters may follow public opinion, the underlying collapse of support for Israel is an organic societal shift, independent of media trends.
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Common Questions
Michael Knowles argues that free speech absolutism is neither great nor possible. He believes that all societies have standards and taboos, and the debate is not between free speech and censorship, but between competing sets of standards.
Topics
Mentioned in this video
Cited for his view in 'A Letter Concerning Toleration' that free speech should exclude atheists, as their ideas could undermine society.
Mentioned for his work 'Areopagitica', where he argued for free speech but excluded Catholics from that protection.
Referred to as a friend whose assassination led to discussions about escalating calls for political violence and the need to exclude certain voices from public discourse.
An individual excluded from the UK, whose alleged statements like 'America deserves 9/11' and 'streets should run red in capitalist blood' are used as examples of speech acts warranting exclusion.
Mentioned as someone who was also considered for exclusion from the UK but whom the speaker has a 'moderate affection' for, contrasting him with Hasan Piker.
An American right-wing Zionist excluded from the UK, used as an example that the UK's exclusion policy isn't solely based on anti-Israel sentiment.
Mentioned as someone who, along with ancient pagans, understood that law acts as a teacher influencing culture.
A 20th-century left-wing theorist cited for his understanding that a revolution fails if it loses 'common sense' and becomes too abstract.
Also known as Destiny, a live streamer mentioned for allegedly saying Republicans should fear for their lives in public.
Supported by the speaker, despite personal foibles like divorce, due to his policy achievements such as appointing justices who overturned Roe v. Wade and strengthening the economy.
Described as having been 'a corpse' for years, making the decision to not support him in an election easy.
The speaker's opponent in the 2016 election, described as 'awful' and 'very, very bad for our country,' despite lacking direct evidence of murder.
Described as a wonderful and likely the most conservative statesman ever, with a 'checkered marital history.'
Criticized for her speaking ability, though one statement about not falling out of coconut trees is noted as a 'deeply Burkean conservative insight'.
Mentioned as part of a group (including Candace Owens and Hasan Piker) showing a strange allegiance on the Israel-Gaza issue, suggesting a potential shift in public opinion or media trends.
The political philosopher whose insights are referenced in relation to Kamala Harris's statement about not falling out of coconut trees.
Admired by the speaker, despite having personal foibles, used as an example of a historical figure with flaws who was still effective.
Mentioned as someone who, along with Hasan Piker, has expressed opposition to Israel's actions in Gaza, highlighting a temporary left-right alignment.
Mentioned as having repeatedly condemned Donald Trump's policy agenda, particularly on immigration and the environment.
The Prime Minister of Israel, mentioned as a friend of Trump, but also as representing Israeli interests that may diverge from US interests regarding the Iran conflict.
A key text by John Locke where he discusses the limits of religious tolerance and free speech, arguing against allowing atheists to spread their ideas.
John Milton's significant essay advocating for freedom of the press, though he notably excluded Catholics from his proposed protections.
The news channel where a Democrat strategist reportedly blamed Charlie Kirk for his own death, illustrating a perceived lack of accountability for inciting speech.
The university from which the speaker was disinvited for his views on gender, which he argued was contrary to the institution's namesake.
Hypothetical organization mentioned as an example of a group whose invitation rescission for ideological reasons would not be particularly objected to by the speaker.
Mentioned in the context of 'silly' mid-20th century cases potentially influencing school library book exclusions.
Mentioned as operatives who attacked the speaker's event at the University of Pittsburgh, highlighting left-wing political violence.
A liberal publication that reported on left-wing political violence increasing, which the speaker used to support his argument about the issue's pervasiveness.
The riots associated with BLM are cited as instances of left-wing political violence that were not counted as such.
The news organization whose reporting on girls being assaulted in gender-neutral bathrooms in Virginia was credited with influencing the gubernatorial election.
A British television series used as an example for 'broken windows policing,' illustrating how rot begins in the 'little things.'
The country whose actions in Gaza have led to a surprising coalescence of opposition from both the left and right in American politics, with support for Israel reportedly collapsing.
The region where Israel's military actions have drawn significant opposition from various political factions in the United States.
A country whose potential conflict is discussed in relation to US-Israeli interests, with Trump seeking a deal and Israel perhaps pursuing regime change.
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