Key Moments
Lord Michael Heseltine | Full Address and Q&A | Oxford Union
Oxford UnionKey Moments
Brexit is a delusion rooted in nostalgia for empire and a misunderstanding of global power dynamics, leading Britain to isolate itself from crucial European partnerships.
Key Insights
Heseltine recalls that his birthday, March 21, 1933, coincided with Hitler's election as Chancellor, marking the beginning of a catastrophic era.
The Schumann Plan, a political concept to prevent war by placing coal and steel industries under supranational control, was the first step towards a united Europe, which Britain initially declined to join.
Ted Heath's successful application to join the European Community in the 1970s was a crucial moment, transforming Britain's prospects and restoring its position as a major European power.
Margaret Thatcher, despite personal reservations about the EU, understood Britain had to be at the 'top table' and sent Arthur Cofield to secure a deal suiting Britain's self-interest.
Heseltine argues that post-2008 economic difficulties and austerity created frustrations, making immigrants, foreigners, and bureaucrats an easy scapegoat, fueling the Brexit narrative.
Heseltine believes Britain's long-term interests are inextricably linked with Europe, citing the US's historical reluctance to engage fully in European conflicts without prompting and the scale of the US's R&D budgets as evidence of the need for European partnership.
The genesis of European unity and Britain's initial detachment
Lord Michael Heseltine begins by reflecting on the profound historical context of European integration, tracing its origins back to the devastation of World War II. He highlights his own birthday on March 21, 1933, as the same day Adolf Hitler was elected Chancellor of Germany, a stark reminder of the catastrophic events that followed. His personal memories of war, including air raids in Swansea, underscore the deep-seated determination among European peoples to prevent such a conflict from ever happening again. Winston Churchill's vision of a 'United States of Europe' emerged from this sentiment. However, Heseltine notes that Britain, still basking in the glory of its empire and its pivotal role in the Allied victory, found it psychologically difficult to align with former adversaries. This sentiment is captured by A.R. Butler's assessment that joining the nascent European project 'just wasn't on.' Britain's absence from the early stages, such as the Schumann Plan and the Treaty of Rome, set a precedent for its later relationship with the continent.
The journey to European integration and Britain's eventual entry
The Treaty of Rome, initially an alliance between France and Germany, aimed to foster economic cooperation and stability. For Germany, it meant access to a wider market for industrial goods, while for France, it provided economic support for its rural south, preventing social instability. Heseltine contrasts this with Britain's historical view of free trade, which was bolstered by its vast empire, where 'British commissioners, British governors, British troops, a British Navy' ensured command of the marketplace. As the years progressed, the seven founding members of the European Community gradually consolidated, and Britain, under leaders like Harold Macmillan, began to reconsider its position. Macmillan's 'Winds of Change' speech signaled a shift away from imperial dominance, and his application to join the European Community marked a significant turning point, though it was initially vetoed by Charles de Gaulle. Ted Heath later succeeded in bringing Britain into the European Community, a move Heseltine views as having transformed the country's prospects and restored its status as a major European power.
Navigating the European Union: The Single Market and Thatcher's approach
The creation of the Single Market by the European Union presented Britain, under Margaret Thatcher, with complex challenges. Heseltine describes the EU's approach to harmonization as a process where member states would agree to a broad vision and then fiercely negotiate the specific details. This dynamic often led to protracted negotiations, as seen with the 400 regulatory instruments required for the Single Market. Thatcher, though privately disliking the increasing intervention from Brussels, recognized that Britain had to remain at the 'top table' to influence decisions affecting its industry and commerce. Arthur Cofield was tasked with negotiating a deal that served Britain's self-interest, a task he accomplished with considerable skill. However, Heseltine points out that economic difficulties in the late 1980s led to frustrations among businesses, which were then exploited by a burgeoning Eurosceptic movement. This led Thatcher, who had initially championed European integration for Britain, to begin blaming 'bureaucrats, foreigners, immigrants' – a 'toxic mix' that has persisted.
The impact of the 2008 financial crisis and the rise of Brexit scapegoating
Heseltine identifies 2008 as a pivotal year, with the global economic collapse triggered by reckless overspending and the failure of Lehman Brothers. The subsequent decade of 'cuts' and 'austerity' was, in his view, a necessary process of shedding accumulated debt. He argues that this period of economic hardship, combined with the lingering frustrations from the Single Market era, created fertile ground for scapegoating. With a long period of stagnant living standards, the narrative of blaming 'immigrants, foreigners, bureaucrats' became an easy political tool, particularly for media outlets with differing agendas. This, Heseltine contends, was the underlying cause of the Brexit referendum, where the EU was unfairly blamed for domestic economic woes.
The enduring argument for European partnership
Despite the current political climate, Heseltine maintains that Britain's interests are 'inextricably interwoven with Europe.' He critiques the reliance on the United States for security, recalling the critical period in 1939-1941 when America's entry into World War II was not guaranteed. The scale of US defense spending, exemplified by the Star Wars initiative, demonstrated the power of large-scale, technologically advanced partnerships, a scale that a single nation of 60 million struggles to match. He argues that Britain, standing alone, cannot compete with such resources, especially in the face of emerging global powers like China and India. Therefore, he concludes, partnership with European nations, a 'smaller United States within Europe,' is essential for industrial and commercial capability and for maintaining a voice on the world stage.
The Westland affair and the roots of Heseltine's resignation
Heseltine clarifies his often-misunderstood relationship with Margaret Thatcher. While acknowledging a lack of personal friendship, he emphasizes that they were effective colleagues who worked together on key party policies, including the sale of council houses and rationalization of the Ministry of Defence. The pivotal moment of his resignation, however, stemmed from the Westland helicopter company dispute. Heseltine favored a European consortium, while Thatcher preferred an American option. When he was denied the opportunity to present his case to the full cabinet after a preliminary committee meeting where he had won, he felt his position as Secretary of State for Defence was undermined. Thatcher's subsequent action of issuing a directive that all cabinet ministers refer questions on the matter to the Cabinet Secretary before answering effectively silenced him, leading to his resignation. He stresses that he resigned not from a lack of respect for Thatcher but because he was denied his constitutional right to be heard by the cabinet.
The fallacy of sovereignty and the realities of global negotiation
Regarding the Brexit argument for regaining sovereignty, Heseltine challenges the notion that it equates to greater power or control. He points out that while national control over immigration is theoretically a sovereign right, the reality is far more complex. The country relies on doctors, nurses, and surgeons from overseas to staff its health service, and international students enrich its universities. He argues that attempting to unilaterally control these flows would have immediate, detrimental impacts on critical public services and that the rhetoric of controlling borders often ignores these practical dependencies. Furthermore, he critically examines the idea of independent trade negotiations, particularly with the United States. He asserts that American negotiators, driven by national self-interest, will not prioritize British concerns, making it unrealistic to expect a 'great deal' without the leverage of European partnership. The same applies to negotiations with India, where the focus will be on specific expertise for their benefit, not necessarily on British workers or services. He concludes that a hard-headed approach to trade is necessary, recognizing that other nations will fiercely protect their own interests.
The imperative of remaining in Europe for peace and global influence
Heseltine argues that the European Union's contribution extends beyond preventing war, although he acknowledges that the prospect of large-scale conflict in Europe is now remote. He emphasizes the creation of a Europe of sovereign parliamentary democracies governed by the rule of law, where social, economic, and human conditions are broadly harmonized. He recalls a time when fascist and communist parties held significant sway in European nations, a situation that has since changed within the EU framework. He views this as a unique historic achievement and sees no good reason to put it at risk. He is particularly concerned about Britain's absence from crucial international discussions, such as environmental policy, where 27 neighboring countries will be setting standards that Britain will then have to react to in absentia. This loss of influence, he warns, will extend to trade and other areas, leaving Britain diminished on the global stage. He advocates for Britain to remain at the 'center of the European stage' and by extension, the world stage, contributing to and benefiting from a collective approach to global challenges.
Mentioned in This Episode
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Common Questions
The primary driver was the determination to prevent future wars in Europe, following the devastation of three major conflicts in 75 years. This led to the creation of political frameworks and economic alliances aimed at fostering peace and cooperation.
Topics
Mentioned in this video
A former cabinet minister sent to Brussels by Thatcher to negotiate for Britain's interests during European negotiations.
Undoubtedly a 'one-nation conservative' who initiated devolutionary processes and housing initiatives.
Mentioned as someone the Conservative Party attempted to get rid of, symbolizing a trend of alienating moderate voices.
Chancellor of Germany whose election marked the beginning of a disastrous period for humankind. Heseltine notes its historical significance on his birthday.
Heseltine notes that while she made speeches endorsing a 'one-nation conservative approach', these did not lead to results due to Brexit paralysis. He also mentions she sacked him.
Mentioned as having left the Conservative Party, indicating a departure of moderate voices.
The Prime Minister who announced Britain's entry into World War II. Heseltine recalls hearing his announcement on the radio.
Mentioned as the Foreign Secretary, correcting an earlier statement that R.A. Butler held that role.
Prime Minister who faced difficult decisions regarding the single market harmonization and favored an American option for the Westland helicopter company, leading to Heseltine's resignation.
Described as a distinguished Chancellor and part of a 'one-nation conservative approach' that initiated devolutionary processes and housing initiatives.
Mentioned for his role in reconstructing the Conservative Party's philosophy after the 1945 election, leading the Conservative Research Centre.
Vetoed Britain's application to the European Community, believing the British were not psychologically ready for the integration process.
US President re-elected in 1940, whose stance on entering WWII was a critical factor for Britain's situation before the US officially joined the war.
Cited for articulating the mood for a United States of Europe and later, his words were instrumental when America's entry into WWII was not immediate.
Conducted BBC Radio 4 interviews titled 'The Price of Victory', which Heseltine references for insights into Britain's decision-making regarding Europe.
A key player in the Conservative government under Churchill, who stated that Britain's early engagement with European integration 'just wasn't on'.
Mentioned for his 'Winds of Change' speech signifying the end of empire and his application for Britain to join the European Community.
Referenced as a historical figure representing a time when the Conservative Party was a vehicle for moderate and consensual government.
Led the charge for Britain to join the European Community, transforming the country's prospects and restoring its position as a major European power.
A political concept to prevent future wars by placing key industries like coal and steel under supranational control. It was a foundational step for European integration.
A US defense initiative with a large budget, used as an example to illustrate the scale of US technological and industrial investment and the need for European partnership.
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