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Kizza Besigye | Full Address and Q&A | Oxford Union

Oxford UnionOxford Union
News & Politics7 min read68 min video
Jul 13, 2019|643,872 views|2,784|334
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TL;DR

Uganda's political struggle is not about changing leaders, but dismantling a system where power is held by those with guns, not citizens. Besigye argues true change requires empowering the people, not just electing new officials.

Key Insights

1

Uganda's political system is described not as a democracy with an opposition, but as an 'artificial state' created and maintained by force, where citizenship has been replaced by subjecthood.

2

Elections in Uganda are a facade, organized by the ruling military council to legitimize their power rather than to enable citizen participation and decision-making.

3

The struggle for power in Uganda is characterized by the cyclical use of force: those who fight with guns to seize power can only be replaced by others wielding guns, perpetuating a 'change of guards' rather than fundamental change.

4

Besigye outlines a three-stage process for true change: awakening the people's consciousness and dispelling fear, building organizational capacity for collective action, and ultimately restoring power to the people, making the armed forces subservient to their will.

5

The pervasive culture of fear, deeply ingrained over a century, is a significant obstacle, with proverbs even glorifying cowardice as a means of survival.

6

The international community, often driven by self-interest, frequently exacerbates the problem by prioritizing relations with existing regimes over supporting genuine democratic transformations and human rights.

The state as an instrument of force, not citizenship

Dr. Kizza Besigye begins by framing Uganda's political reality not as a typical opposition struggle, but as a battle against an 'artificial state' constructed and maintained by force. He argues that this state, born from colonial-era divisions and consolidated by military power, has systematically destroyed true citizenship. Instead of citizens who have control over their resources, decision-making, and justice system, Ugandans have become subjects beholden to those who wield arms. This situation is a legacy of colonial powers arbitrarily creating nations and then transferring power not to the people, but to a new elite who immediately seized control of the military and security apparatus left behind. This fundamental dynamic, where power resides with the armed, rather than the citizenry, explains the persistent cycles of violence and lack of peaceful transitions of power in Uganda and many other post-colonial African nations.

Elections as a performance, not a pathway to power

Besigye forcefully debunks the notion that elections in Uganda offer a genuine path to democratic change. He characterizes these elections as meticulously organized spectacles by the military council to legitimize their rule, rather than a mechanism for citizens to choose their leaders. He cites examples of overwhelming election victories for leaders like Omar Bashir and Robert Mugabe, which quickly dissolved into public uprisings, illustrating the inherent disconnect between the electoral outcome and the will of the people. Besigye's own participation in four presidential elections, despite knowing the outcome will be predetermined and power will not be peacefully transferred, is presented as a strategic necessity. These elections serve as a unique, albeit controlled, platform to reach and awaken the public, and to garner international attention, which would otherwise be impossible due to severe restrictions on assembly and speech.

The pervasive culture of fear and the myth of 'change of guards'

A significant hurdle to genuine change, Besigye emphasizes, is the deeply ingrained culture of fear. This fear, cultivated over a century of authoritarian rule, has become so pervasive that it is embedded in the national psyche, even reflected in proverbs that valorize cowardice and passive endurance over resistance. He recounts sayings like 'In the home of cowards, they laugh; in the home of the brave, they cry,' suggesting that it is better to be insulted than to die. This deep-seated fear cripples the population's ability to assert their rights and demand accountability. Besigye also critiques the idea of a 'change of guards' through armed struggle, arguing that it only weakens society further, making it less capable of holding any new warlords accountable. True change, he insists, cannot come from exchanging one set of gun-wielding rulers for another; it must fundamentally alter the power dynamic.

The three pillars of liberation: awakening, organizing, and reclaiming power

Besigye articulates a clear, multi-stage strategy for achieving lasting change in Uganda. The first stage is 'awakening' – a process of raising public consciousness, reminding people that the land is theirs, and fostering self-belief to counteract the pervasive fear. This involves educating citizens about their rights and empowering them to reclaim their dignity. The second stage is building 'organizational capacity,' enabling people to network, unite, and speak with a single voice. This is done through clandestine leadership networks to avoid targeting and repression. The crucial third stage is the 'restoration of power.' Once the population is conscious, organized, and empowered, they can reclaim their collective strength. Besigye illustrates this with hypothetical scenarios, such as a coordinated refusal to send food to markets, which would quickly cripple the armed forces dependent on the population's resources. This gradual process of winning small battles and realizing their collective power is seen as the only path to a true, fundamental change where the armed forces become subservient to the people.

The challenge of systemic corruption and the role of the people

The conversation delves into the pervasive corruption within Uganda, exemplified by the case of a Chinese businessman bribing President Museveni and his foreign minister. Besigye highlights the disturbing lack of public outrage in Uganda over such blatant acts of selling the nation, contrasting it with the serious legal repercussions faced elsewhere. He attributes this to a culture of 'alienation,' where the government is viewed as a foreign entity, and corruption is seen as a victimless crime or even a source of local pride when stolen money is donated to villages. This mentality, he stresses, must change for true progress. Without the populace viewing the government and its resources as their own, and holding leaders accountable for the misappropriation of these resources, the cycle of exploitation will continue. The issue of debt, particularly unsustainable loans from China for inflated projects, is also presented as a symptom of this corrupt system, where funds are siphoned off rather than invested for public benefit, creating an 'odious debt' that the people are burdened with repaying.

The international community: an unreliable ally

Besigye expresses deep skepticism regarding the efficacy and intentions of the international community in fostering democratic change in Uganda. He argues that, in practice, the international community often serves as part of the problem rather than the solution. Driven by the self-interests of powerful nations, their policies frequently clash with the aspirations of marginalized populations in developing countries. Instead of actively supporting democratic movements, the international community often engages in compromises, prioritizing diplomatic relations and state-level interests over genuine human rights and freedoms. He points to the election of a former Ugandan Foreign Minister, accused of corruption, as the President of the UN General Assembly as an example of how international bodies can legitimize corrupt regimes. While acknowledging the potential for small but impactful interventions, Besigye concludes that the international community cannot be relied upon to deliver the necessary support for Uganda's liberation, unless the dictatorial regime becomes critically weakened on its own.

The long road ahead: rebuilding and reconciliation

Beyond achieving the fundamental shift in power, Besigye acknowledges the immense task of rebuilding a democratic society. This involves addressing the economic disparities where a few control vast wealth, and the majority are marginalized. Questions of effective public services, ensuring access to health and education, and creating a new constitutional framework that addresses security and national identity are paramount. Given Uganda's history of diverse ethnic groups forced to coexist, a deliberate process of dialogue and reconciliation is essential for building a unified nation. He also stresses the need for truth, justice, and reconciliation processes to address past atrocities and violence, paving the way for free and fair elections that can solidify the transition. This comprehensive approach, focusing on empowering the citizenry and rebuilding institutions, represents the ultimate goal.

Personal resilience and the burden of sacrifice

When asked about his personal resilience and motivation amidst severe persecution, Besigye attributes his perseverance to several factors. He recalls his own brush with death at the age of 24, supporting Museveni's bush war, and the feeling that people deserved a better future. More significantly, he feels the immense burden of sacrifice from his colleagues and comrades, many of whom have suffered greatly and urge him to continue their struggle, lest their suffering be in vain. He also speaks of an unexplainable inner strength and belief in divine intervention that has carried him through his darkest moments. This deep sense of responsibility, combined with an unwavering faith in the cause, fuels his continued fight for a more just and democratic Uganda.

Common Questions

Kizza Besigye initially studied medicine and intended to become a doctor. His political awakening occurred during the human rights abuses under Idi Amin's regime, leading him to join political formations after Amin's fall.

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