Key Moments

The New Religion Of Anti-Racism: A Conversation with John McWhorter (Episode #217)

Sam HarrisSam Harris
Science & Technology3 min read72 min video
Sep 18, 2020|375,177 views|8,577|2,482
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TL;DR

John McWhorter discusses 'the new religion of anti-racism,' critiquing its ideology, language, and impact on society and race relations.

Key Insights

1

The concept of 'anti-racism' has become a new religion, demanding adherence and punishing dissent, rather than engaging in rational discourse.

2

The effectiveness of this ideology relies heavily on fear of being labeled a 'racist,' leading many to conform even if they disagree.

3

Language is strategically used with terms like 'dismantling structures' and 'intersectionality' to sound intellectual and sidestep genuine critique.

4

The focus on systemic racism as the sole explanation for racial disparities ignores complex socio-economic factors, such as the War on Drugs and educational issues.

5

Critics of the anti-racist movement, including Black intellectuals, are often labeled 'self-hating' or 'Uncle Toms,' suppressing alternative viewpoints.

6

Achieving a truly colorblind society, where race has no moral or political significance, is the ultimate goal, which requires moving beyond group identity politics.

THE RISE OF 'ANTI-RACISM' AS A RELIGIOUS CREED

John McWhorter argues that 'anti-racism' has evolved into a new religion, characterized by its own dogma, elect followers, and a demand for unwavering faith. This ideology is not open to reasoned debate or alternative viewpoints, much like a fundamentalist religion. Dissent is met with ostracization and accusations of racism, making it a form of moral extortion. McWhorter suggests that those who adhere to this ideology are not necessarily cynical manipulators but are genuinely invested in their beliefs, which makes challenging them more difficult.

LANGUAGE AND THE POWER OF BRANDING

The anti-racist movement leverages language and branding strategically, making it difficult to critique without appearing racist. Terms like 'antifa means anti-fascist' or 'Black Lives Matter' are presented as morally unassailable due to their names. McWhorter notes that while language plays a role, the core issue is the pervasive fear of being labeled a racist, which has escalated significantly since the 1970s. This fear compels individuals to conform to the prevailing narrative, prioritizing social acceptance over intellectual honesty.

RACISM AS AN ALL-PURPOSE EXPLANATION

A central tenet of this new religion is the assertion that all racial disparities in the U.S. can be explained solely by white racism, whether overt, systemic, or institutional. This framework dismisses other contributing factors, such as cultural issues, individual choices, or the direct consequences of past policies like the War on Drugs. McWhorter contends that this oversimplified explanation is not only unproductive but also condescending, implying that Black people need external validation and that their own agency or complex societal challenges are secondary to racism.

THREAT TO INSTITUTIONS AND PROGRESSIVISM

McWhorter expresses concern that this ideology is capturing educational, corporate, and cultural institutions, leading to a perversion of genuine progressivism. He warns that this fervent adherence to the 'anti-racist' doctrine, even at the cost of losing elections, suggests it's more about identity and creed than political strategy. He fears this trend could damage race relations in the long term and hinder actual progress by focusing on abstract grievances rather than tangible solutions for disadvantaged communities.

THE ROLE OF POLICE AND MISINTERPRETATION OF EVIDENCE

The discussion delves into the complexities of police interactions and race, particularly in light of widely shared videos of incidents. McWhorter argues that these videos are often misinterpreted, functioning as 'icons' that reinforce a pre-existing belief in systemic anti-Black racism. He asserts that data does not support the idea that Black men are disproportionately killed by police out of racial animus. Instead, he points to factors like resistance to arrest, poverty, the prevalence of guns, and inadequate police training as critical elements that are often ignored in favor of a simplistic 'racism' narrative.

PROPOSALS FOR A COLORBLIND SOCIETY

The conversation outlines a path forward that emphasizes a return to the ideal of a colorblind society, where race holds no moral or political significance, akin to hair color today. McWhorter suggests practical solutions such as combating the War on Drugs, improving reading education for disadvantaged children, and ensuring access to long-acting reversible contraceptives to enable better family planning. He believes these tangible, proactive measures would address many of the root causes of disparities more effectively than the current focus on ideological purity and performative anti-racism.

Common Questions

John McWhorter argues that the current approach to anti-racism has become a 'new religion' that is intellectually flawed, overly reliant on identity politics, and hinders genuine progress by focusing on abstract concepts rather than practical solutions.

Topics

Mentioned in this video

People
Glenn Lowry

Mentioned as a guest on a previous live Zoom call experiment by Sam Harris, and later in the discussion as a sparring partner of John McWhorter on the topic of police violence and statistics regarding black men.

Mitt Romney

Mentioned as an example of someone on the 'top' side of a critical race theory-infused hierarchy, contrasting with those laboring on the bottom.

Ibram X. Kendi

Considered a purveyor of the 'doctrine of a new religion' regarding racism, advocating for a definition where any disparity faced by Black people is considered racist.

Tony Timpa

A white man who died in a similar situation to George Floyd, used to argue that police violence is not solely driven by racial animus towards Black individuals.

John McWhorter

The guest on the podcast, a professor of linguistics at Columbia University and contributing writer at The Atlantic. He is the author of a book arguing against the 'new religion of anti-racism'.

Joyce Carol Oates

A fiction writer who tweeted that 'Antifa means anti-fascist', which McWhorter uses as an example of how branding can obscure group actions.

Robin DiAngelo

Mentioned alongside Ibram X. Kendi as a figure spreading the 'doctrine of a new religion' on racism, particularly through works like 'White Fragility'.

Derek Chauvin

Mentioned in the context of his verdict and whether police actions in his case were driven by racism, with McWhorter arguing the data doesn't support this simple conclusion.

Michael Brown

His case is cited as an example where video evidence is lacking, making it different from cases like George Floyd's, and highlighting the dissimilarity between police encounter incidents.

Archie Bunker

Used as a historical reference point for personal bigotry, contrasting with the modern, abstract understanding of racism.

Coleman Hughes

Mentioned for making points about the success of some immigrant groups despite facing racism, which challenges the sole attribution of disparities to systemic racism.

George Floyd

His murder is a central catalyst for recent discussions about police violence and racism. McWhorter and Harris debate the narrative surrounding his death and its implications.

Martin Luther King Jr.

His call for a colorblind society is invoked as a contrast to current identity politics that McWhorter argues are moving in the opposite direction.

Thomas Chatterton Williams

A friend of McWhorter's who is criticized ('roasted') when he advocates for a return to colorblindness.

Eric Garner

Mentioned alongside George Floyd as a case that has shaped public perception of police violence, though McWhorter argues these cases are often misunderstood and non-analogous.

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